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The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American Power | 
 enlarge | Author: Tariq Ali
Publisher: Scribner
Category: Book
List Price: $26.00
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Rating:  7 reviews
Sales Rank: 45657
Media: Hardcover
Edition: 1
Number Of Items: 1
Pages: 304
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.1
Dimensions (in): 9.3 x 6.2 x 1.1
ISBN: 1416561013
Dewey Decimal Number: 954.9105
EAN: 9781416561019
ASIN: 1416561013
Publication Date: September 16, 2008
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Product Description
Pakistan is the sixth most populous country in the world. It is the only Islamic state to have nuclear weapons. Its border with Afghanistan extends over one thousand miles and is the likely hideout of Osama bin Laden. It has been under military dictatorship for thirty-three of its fiftyyear existence. Yet it is the linchpin in the United States' war on terror, receiving over $10 billion of American aid since 2001 and purchasing more than $5 billion of U.S. weaponry in 2006 alone.These days, relations between the two countries are never less than tense. Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf reported that U.S. deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage threatened to "bomb Pakistan back to the Stone Age" if it did not commit fully to the alliance in the wake of 9/11. Presidential hopeful Barack Obama said he would have no hesitation in bombing Al Qaeda inside the country, "with or without" approval of the Pakistani government. Recent surveys show that more than 70 percent of Pakistanis fear the United States as a military threat to their country. The Bush administration spent much of 2007 promoting a "dream ticket" of Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto to run Pakistan together. That strategy, with Bhutto assassinated and the general's party winning less than 15 percent of the contested seats in the 2008 election, is now in tatters. With increasingly bold attacks by Taliban supporters in the border regions threatening to split the Pakistan army, with the only political alternatives -- Nawaz Sharif and Benazir's widower Asif Ali Zardari -- being as corrupt as the regime they seek to replace, and with a newly radicalized movement of lawyers testing its strength as championsof the rule of law, the chances of sustained stability in Pakistan look slim. The scion of a famous Punjabi political family, with extraordinary contacts inside the country and internationally, Tariq Ali has long been acknowledged as a leading commentator on Pakistan. In these pages he combines deep understanding of the country's history with extensive firsthand research and unsparing political judgment to weigh the prospects of those contending for power today. The labyrinthine path between a secure world and global conflagration runs right through Pakistan. No one is better placed to trace its contours.
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Ruthlessly Honest December 27, 2008
One may disagree with some of the observations and analysis of Tariq Ali, but this book is ruthlessly honest and mostly spot on. At times, the writing style appears to be more like a coffee table conversation, as the author tends to get informal and deviate away from the current topic, but the overall theme remains coherent and it is a great read. The editor could have done a better job in making the book better aligned with the time of its publication.
 Engrossing November 14, 2008
1 out of 1 found this review helpful
In the backdrop of the events that take place in and around the ever volatile Kashmir-Pakistan-Afghanistan region, this is a book which provides a refreshing insight into the context through which we can seek to understand the pitiable state of affairs. The author is an unabashed leftist (with a truly remarkable career) and his views do come across strongly in a few pages, but for all the criticism that can be poured over the inclinations, the historical narrative is a masterpiece.
Its a sad tale by all standards, its a tale of how a lust for power and downright megalomania have ruined a cause, a tale of deluded sense of destiny wasting opportunities, in summary its a tale of why South Asia largely is in the situation of near despair as it is currently. The tale beings with the machinations of the Muslim League in the pre-Independence era , followed by the rather vacuous implementation of governance once the state of Pakistan was established. Spineless and confused leadership led to the entry of the army into governance, a decision which largely has left Pakistani democracy crippled. One megalomaniac (Yahya Khan) followed another (Ayub Khan) and meaningless wars were fought. Downright oppression of a legitimate victory by the citizens of East Pakistan led to the formation of Bangladesh. Bhutto brought in a glimmer of hope , but was quick to deceive and was shockingly replaced by Zia ul Haq, the rebirth of Democracy post Zia was largely marred by extreme corruption. Benazir and Nawaz Sharif frittered away a golden opportunity only to be followed by a dictatorship again.
Switchover to the present and Pakistan faces the ignominy of US troops operating on its soil. Here's where the author brings in a unique perspective, wherein the much feared vision of the Jihadists controlling the nuclear button may be a myth largely and sadly because the army is now all pervasive. From a readers perspective the shift between the historical narrative and the commentary on the current situation is apparent and it feels like 2 books spliced together. The historical narrative is extremely engrossing while the summary and interpretations of the present sometimes gives way to a rant. Nevertheless a priceless book for anyone seeking a honest appraisal of the history of Pakistan
Interesting exploration of Pakistan's history and politics November 1, 2008
6 out of 6 found this review helpful
This is an interesting exploration of Pakistan's history and current problems. Tariq Ali, who first gained fame as a leftist student activist in Great Britain in the 1960's, grew up in Pakistan, the son of a leftist editor of one of Pakistan's major newspapers. With his strong connections to the elite in Pakistan he has been able to personally know some of the big shots of the country's oligarchy. He makes use of the insight such connections have given him into the dismal inner workings of Pakistani politics in this book.
He portrays Pakistan as a government controlled by a corrupt bureaucratic-military oligarchy in alliance with feudal landowners and heavily dependent on American backing. The majority of the population lives in horrendous poverty. Communicable diseases and malnutrition are rampant. The Pakistani military and intelligence services greatly assisted the Afghan mujahedeen drug running business in the 1980's. The effects on Pakistan were disastrous. According to Ali, Pakistan had only a few hundred heroin addicts in 1977 but had two million ten years later. But to adopt the view of the Western imperialists--that Pakistan is a cauldron of serious poverty, nuclear weapons and jihadists chomping at the bit--is quite wrong, Ali cautions. Islamic fanatics have terrorized Pakistan since the late 70's when General Zia, with Saudi support, began to provide them with state backing, but they represent a very small segment of Pakistani society. Pakistan has a strong secular tradition and Islamic fundamentalist parties have been never achieved much at the ballot box. Secular parties are even strong in Waziristan, supposedly the main center of jihadist agitation in Pakistan. However what could throw more Pakistanis into alliance with the jihadists, Ali warns, is substantial U.S military operations in Pakistan. US air attacks in Pakistan's western frontier have killed many civilians. If the U.S decides to engage in more substantial military action on Pakistani territory, Ali warns that this might very well throw many Pakistanis into alliance with the jihadists and split the Pakistani army. Segments of the Pakistani army might very well violently resist such aggression by a foreign power, ally with the jihadists and then Pakistan's nukes might find their way into the hands of terrorists.
A large part of the book, and maybe the most interesting part of it deals with the saga of the Bhutto family. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto created the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) as his personal political vehicle to ride the wave of the popular uprising against the dictatorship of General Ayub Khan in 1968-69. Bhutto had been a minister under Ayub and violently urged on the Pakistani military in its genocidal butcheries in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) in 1971. (The factors leading to Pakistan's mass slaughter and the internal workings and flaws of the Bangladesh independence movement are discussed extensively in this book). Bhutto rode to power promising free health care, free housing, guaranteed food and other socialist rhetoric but he almost completely avoided implementing his promises while in power. He was executed by General Zia on trumped up charges in 1979, after a kangaroo court trial. Ali describes how he got to personally know Bhutto's daughter Benazir in the 1970's and 80's. He expresses some admiration for Benazir's courage in leading resistance against General Zia. But he is unsparing in his account of the gangster character of Benazir's second government (1993-1996). Benazir and her husband Asif Zardari accumulated at least 1.5 billion while she was prime minister and he minister for investment. Courts in England, Spain and Switzerland launched charges against the Bhuttos for receiving tens of millions of dollars in kickbacks from western corporations. Most of the corruption charges against the Bhutto's were dropped as a result of an amnesty for corrupt politicians declared by General Musharraf. Zardari, of course, is now president of Pakistan. Ali also implicates Bhutto and Zardari in the murder of Bhutto's brother. Murtaz Bhutto had been highly critical of the corruption and hollow politics of his sister's regime. In September 1996 the street to Murtaz's house was closed down and dozens of police officers descended upon him and machined gunned him and his bodyguards to death. Meanwhile, Benazir decided to put herself at the disposal of the Bush administration during the crises in Pakistan last year. This fidelity to American imperialism made her a sterling figure in the eyes of the American media and her assassination was mourned as the loss of a great secular democrat and stateswoman, etc. Her stratospheric corruption was forgotten as was her sponsorship of the Taliban in the mid-90's.
Ali also discusses the murder of Daniel Pearl. He argues that several pieces of circumstantial evidence suggest that the Pakistani government may have had some involvement in it. One such piece of evidence is the fact that many Salafi terror groups of the type that claimed credit for Pearl's murder have been the creation and tools of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)..........
Ali also discusses the most recent crises in Pakistan, touched off by the firing of Pakistan's chief justice after the latter's investigation of corruption in Musharraf's economic privatization and the "disappearance" of hundreds of dissidents.
PAKISTAN HAS BANNED CIRCULATION OF THIS BOOK October 18, 2008
2 out of 3 found this review helpful
The author writes in The Guardian (London):
`They don't ban books any more, or at least not recently, which is a relief and a small step forward.' I wrote in a preface to my latest book on Pakistan [The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American Power] after explaining how the previous two had been, at different times, banned by military dictators. I was wrong. I had foolishly assumed that since General Musharraf had not banned books his civilian, supposedly democratic, successors would also stay the course. The Pakistani distributors of my publisher, Simon and Schuster, who had no problems selling ghost-written volumes by Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto (published by the same house), have for the last four weeks been waiting for `clearance' from the Ministry of Information (i.e. Propaganda) to import my book. The Minister, Sherry Rehman, is a former Karachi journalist.
Her public embrace of Sarah Palin notwithstanding, she had a reasonable civil liberties record, often preached the virtues of legality, political morality, civic virtues, freedom and equality. They lie now at her feet, broken and scattered shards as the Government stumbles from one crisis to another. A war on the Western frontier, a run on the banks, a disaffected public is not enough. They still have time to stop books. Did she really think that working for President Zardari meant anything else? Her friends tell me she is not responsible for the ban and is trying her best to `expedite clearance', but if not her, who? The man at the top these days is well-known as a semi-literate who has never read a whole book in his life. But there is a chain of sycophants stretching down from the Prime Minister's office to the most lowly civil servants, whose task as loyal retainers, is to second-guess and please the master.
They don't realise that its totally counterproductive to ban a book in these times and even if they did they wouldn't care provided the master was happy. I've received e-mails from many friends in Pakistan who have expressed delight: `what an honour to be banned Zardari', ` surely you realise the book will be smuggled in from India', `everyone will want to read it now', etc. And one from a literary scholar urging me to read a short-story by the late and very great Saadat Hasan Manto: `Please read Manto's `The New Constitution'. It is the same old law. Nothing changes because no government in the last 63 years has made any attempt to even tinker with the state structure and a bureaucratic system designed to oppress. You should have felt surprised if your book wasn't to be banned.' All this may be true, but is still depressing. The short story, incidentally, was written during the raj when the 1935 Act of India promised limited democracy and Ustad Mangu an old tongawallah in Lahore attempted to test the new order by responding to racist abuse and violence from an English soldier by beating him up. Mangu was arrested but kept screaming `New constitution, New constitution.' His jailers told him `What rubbish are you talking? What new constitution? It's the same old constitution you fool.' Manto concludes: `Then they locked him up.'
My book is still locked up, but is being translated into Urdu for publication in November which will be a release of sorts. That edition does not require a clearance, but one can never be too sure in Pakistan. And in case you were wondering the book is a very sharp critique not just of military dictators, but also of their civilian counterparts, whose corruption knows no bounds. One mustn't exaggerate. When the Amsterdam Synagogue, mimicking the Inquistion, excommunicated Spinoza in 1656, they decreed: `May he be cursed by day and by night....may God never forgive him. We order that no one have commerce with him by speech or in writing, that no one give him the least sign of friendship or approach him or live under the same roof as he, that no one read a work written or composed by him.'
I got off lightly.
Well researched and easy to read October 13, 2008
Excellent coverage of recent as well as past events! Tariq Ali has come through again.
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